Fair Wages and Employment
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Economic well-being depends not only on having a job, but on whether that job provides fair pay, opportunities for advancement, and the benefits needed to support a stable life. For women and girls in Forsyth County, especially women of color, longstanding inequities in wages, leadership representation, and access to employer-sponsored health insurance continue to shape their economic realities.
This section examines several indicators that help illustrate these differences, including who holds leadership positions, which workers have access to employer-sponsored health insurance, and how wages compare across demographic groups. Alongside these quantitative measures, the Community Cohort offers insights into how residents experience and interpret these disparities. Their reflections highlight not only the scale of the inequities but also the emotional and historical weight they carry for many women in the community.
Together, the data and cohort perspectives help paint a clearer picture of what fair employment looks like in Forsyth County today and where meaningful change is still needed.
Key Findings from the Community Cohort
The Community Cohort (Cohort) is a group of local women and people whose lived experiences reflect womanhood—especially Black and Latine parents—who helped shape this report by sharing their real-life experiences, priorities, and interpretations so the data reflects what thriving (and struggling) actually looks like in our community.
Business and legislative leadership is disproportionately white men, which cohort members described as discouraging.
- White, non-Hispanic males make up 31% of the labor force in Forsyth County, but they make up 58% of chief executives and legislators living in Forsyth County.
- In contrast, Latine females make up 6% of the labor force, but no Latine females in Forsyth County responding to the American Community Survey (ACS) reported working in chief executive or legislative roles.
The cohort identified whether or not employees have health insurance provided by their employer as an indicator of a job being a “good job.” Black and Latine workers are significantly less likely than white workers to have employer-sponsored health insurance.
- From 2019 to 2023, an estimated 76% of white, non-Hispanic female workers had employer-sponsored health insurance, compared to 64% of Black female workers and 47% of Latine female workers.
- Cohort members described this racial disparity as “sad” and “depressing.”
There is a gender wage gap between white males and females, but racial differences in the wage gap are much more significant.
- White, non-Hispanic female workers earned an estimated 87 cents per dollar earned by white, non-Hispanic males.
- Black females earned 57 cents per dollar earned by white, non-Hispanic males, and Latine females earned 53 cents.
- These disparities are not decreasing over time, as one cohort member observed, “It just stays constant.”
- One cohort member asked, “If you’re not white, is there even hope?”
One cohort member stated, “I just want to say I feel like what we’re seeing is what the United States was founded on. This is what our country started as, and it was on the backs of enslaved people and Africans, and it’s never really stopped. And, white men continue to be in power and oppress. And, it is deeply disturbing. It is, but I think, talking in these spaces and seeing this. I hope that it inspires everyone to be active and to continue to have these conversations and say it out loud.”
The 2026 Gender Lens Report
The 2026 Gender Lens Report
Glossary Terms Used on this Page
Leadership Demographics
This indicator examines who holds leadership positions in Forsyth County, and how those leaders reflect the broader population they serve. We compared the demographic characteristics of chief executives and legislators with the demographics of the overall labor force, and the demographics of educators to the student population, using data from the American Community Survey. These indicators are disaggregated by race/ethnicity, sex, race/ethnicity by sex, and relationship status, to highlight differences in representation across groups. By comparing leadership and educator roles to the populations they serve, this measure is meant to help better understand how people of different backgrounds are represented in positions of influence and authority in Forsyth County.
When interpreting this data, it is important to note that relationship status only reflects adults who are cohabitating. It does not necessarily reflect sexual orientation, and it does not reflect the relationship status of people who are not cohabitating adults.
Data Visualization
Demographics of Chief Executives and Legislators Compared to those of the Labor Force & Demographics of Educators Compared to Students (2019-2023)
Rethinking Leadership and Representation
This measure began with a question from the Community Engaged Research Cohort: Who holds leadership in Forsyth County, and who doesn’t?
Cohort members were clear that representation belongs in a Gender Lens report. Leadership shapes workplace culture, policy decisions, access to opportunity, and economic mobility. Who sits in positions of power influences whose voices are heard, and whose futures feel possible.
Our initial approach aimed to make that visible. We identified the county’s largest employers and analyzed who occupied executive leadership roles within those institutions. The goal was clarity, and a concrete snapshot of representation. But as we moved toward publication, we paused.
To estimate race and gender composition, researchers relied on publicly available information such as names, photographs, and stated pronouns. Even when done thoughtfully, this approach requires making assumptions about identity based on observation.
And that raised important concerns. Inferring race or gender from appearance risks reinforcing harmful assumptions and misgendering individuals. We had to ask ourselves whether a measure intended to illuminate inequity might unintentionally replicate it.
So we stepped back and returned to the deeper question: Why does leadership representation matter?
The answer is not just about numbers. Seeing someone who looks like you in a position of authority can shift what feels imaginable. It can interrupt doubt and change a trajectory.
We also recognized that leadership extends beyond executive titles. It lives in classrooms, nonprofits, boardrooms, small businesses, and in everyday acts of mentorship. Leadership is often the person who says, “You belong here,” and makes it believable.
In place of demographic estimates based on observation, we chose to center what motivated this measure from the beginning: the transformative power of representation.
The reflection that follows illustrates that power. It is a story about what it means to grow up without seeing yourself reflected, and what changes when you finally do.
Shamika’s story reminds us that leadership visibility is not abstract. It is personal. And it matters.
What Becomes Possible When You See Yourself
By Shamika Munnings
I was born in the Bronx and raised in Brooklyn by a mother who migrated from Belize with a dream she was already building before I arrived. She would share stories from when she was younger – going to the market on Saturdays as a preteen, selling coconut oil she’d grated and pressed herself while my granny worked other jobs, hiding so no one she knew would see her there. I often wonder how that experience shaped what she believed was possible. And how that belief, in all its love and all its limits, became the blueprint for the opportunities she fought to give me.
She wanted better for me. Access. Preparation. So at thirteen years old, and thanks to family and community, I received a scholarship to attend Wilbraham & Monson Academy –a predominantly white boarding school in Massachusetts – because she believed that kind of proximity to opportunity would help me “succeed” in the US. And she wasn’t wrong. But she also couldn’t have known what it would quietly cost me to move through spaces where no one in positions of leadership looked like me. Where success had a shape that required I contort myself to find it.
I worked hard – harder, it often felt, than I should have had to. I figured things out slowly, found my rhythm late, rode the Greyhound home alone for summer break while others were greeted by their parents in the parking lot. I sought tutoring and attended study hall when I needed it. I graduated with honors. I had Ms. Rosenwald, the school librarian – a white woman who saw something in me worth investing in. She advocated for me, drove me up and down the East Coast on a college tour when my mother couldn’t, made sure Wake Forest was on my list. I will always be grateful to her.
But even with her advocacy, something else lingered beneath the surface. A current I couldn’t name. A quiet, persistent feeling that my natural way of moving through the world wasn’t quite enough. That I had to mask and prove, constantly, that I was capable and that I belonged. That the scholarship securing my seat was not a mistake. Looking back, I understand it more clearly now. It’s a consequence of spending years as an exception in the room. When you learn, without anyone saying it directly, that you must earn what others simply inherit. That the dream is available to you, but only if you work twice as hard to reach it.
This is what I carried with me when I first visited Wake Forest.
And then I heard Dr. Oakes speak.
I was sitting at a welcome event hosted by the Office of Multicultural Affairs and something in me shifted. It wasn’t just what she said – it was the fullness with which she spoke. The way she held every person in that room like their presence there made complete sense. When she looked in my eyes and embraced me, I felt something I didn’t have language for yet. I felt at home. Like I was supposed to be there, and no matter how hard it got, I would be okay – because she was there. Because she was a Black woman in a position of real authority, and she wasn’t performing it. She was inhabiting it, fully, warmly, without apology.
It may have been one of the first times I let myself feel the possibility of being a Black woman – not as something to overcome, but as something to step into. Like a layer of doubt I hadn’t known I was carrying had quietly lifted.
Each time I sat with her after that, and she spoke truth into me, more of that weight released. I found myself responding from a deeper place. Less about who I thought I had to be, and more about who I actually was.
There were moments at Wake when I didn’t know if I belonged there at all. I was navigating academics alongside my humanity. The weight of being a neurodivergent Black woman on a predominantly white campus, while carrying things no syllabus could touch. Eventually, it caught up with me. I didn’t get into the business school. My GPA dropped. And I found myself on Dr. Oakes’ couch, wondering why I should stay.
She didn’t hand me an answer. She saw me. Truly. And then, in a way only she could, she helped me see myself. Not who I thought I had to become to succeed, but who I already was. She redirected me toward psychology, toward Pro Humanitate, toward a version of success that actually fit my life. Her steady, unconditional belief in my worthiness – even while witnessing my wounds – gave me somewhere to stand when I’d lost my footing.
That is what representation does. It doesn’t just inspire in the abstract. It interrupts something. It reaches into the places where doubt has settled and makes room for a different story.
Years into my career, I found myself on the receiving end of a different kind of gift. A supervisor who saw leadership potential in me before I could see it myself. She encouraged me to apply for a Director role at The Winston-Salem Foundation – not because she was certain I’d get it, but because she believed the act of applying would build something in me. I didn’t get it the first time. Years later, I was offered a promotion for the same role. I said yes – scared, but grounded in the belief that I could rise to the occasion, with the right people by my side.
What I know now is that it was never really about the role. It was about learning to see myself as just as worthy and capable as anyone else raising their hand.
Now, I’m in a position of leadership. And I feel the weight and the gift of that reality, at the same time.
I think about the thirteen-year-old girl who left Brooklyn quietly wondering if she could excel without her momma by her side. I think about what it would have meant for her to see, earlier and more consistently, Black women leading not in spite of who they are, but because of it – because of their softness and their fire, their wisdom and their wounds. Dr. Oakes showed me that. She didn’t hide her humanity to lead. She led through it. And something in me expanded with her.
I can’t know exactly what would have been different if I’d experienced that sooner. But I know what it felt like when it finally happened. And I know I wouldn’t be where I am today without it.
So yes, I feel a sense of responsibility. Not as a burden, as a calling. I try to be, for the people I inspire or mentor, what Dr. Oakes was for me. Someone who tells the truth. Who believes and affirms out loud. Who makes belonging and worthiness feel less like something to be earned, and more like a place to begin.
If I could say anything to a young woman standing at the edge of a room she isn’t sure she belongs in, it would be this: the doubt you feel is not evidence of your limits. It is the residue of systems that were not built with you in mind. The fact that you are standing at that door at all speaks to the power of your light. Embody it.
Walk through the door. We need you on the other side.
Community Voices
Another participant, also the primary breadwinner, describes how her partner’s unstable employment makes her salary the foundation of the household. Every shortcoming in pay, benefits, or job security is magnified. She recounts how her job quietly expanded far beyond her original role—more responsibilities, more people relying on her—without any corresponding title change or pay increase. Because her wages hold up the whole household, this unpaid expansion is not just frustrating; it is destabilizing.
Across interviews, women highlight workplace practices that undermine wage fairness even when base pay appears reasonable.
Several describe role creep—taking on more duties, new projects, or wider portfolios without a corresponding raise or promotion. One hospital worker explains that after more than five years, she took on complex referral coordination across multiple departments—learning providers, codes, and systems across the hospital—yet discovered that a new hire walked in making $2 more per hour than she did. She had gone back to school and expanded her role; her pay did not follow.
Another participant recounts years of work before eventually receiving raises and a salaried role that reflect her contribution. She is proud of her recent progress but clear that recognition arrived late, after she had “been doing this work… for the last seven years, eight years.” In both stories, fair wages function as back pay for long periods of under‑compensation.
Data Notes
Leadership Demographics
Data Notes
- Members of cohabitating couples who are not the householder or partnered with the householder may be mislabeled as not cohabitating. For example, if two unmarried couples are living together as roommates, only the householder and their partner would be counted. This may underestimate cohabitating partners.
- Some estimates in the data had large margins of error. In these cases in particular, significant differences between the demographics of leadership or educators and the labor force or students may exist even if there are no significant findings. High margins of error generally indicate that there is not enough data for findings to be certain.
- Black non-Hispanic and Hispanic and Latine residents are significantly underrepresented in chief executive and legislator positions compared to the demographics of the labor force. White, non-Hispanic residents are over-represented in chief executive and legislator positions.
- Females are significantly underrepresented in these leadership positions compared to the demographics of the labor force, and males are overrepresented.
- No Hispanic or Latine women in the survey data reported being a chief executive or legislator, despite making up 6% of the labor force. Black non-Hispanic males are also significantly underrepresented in these positions compared to the demographics of the labor force. White, non-Hispanic males are overrepresented.
- Adults living not living with a partner are underrepresented in leadership positions compared to the labor force, and adults living with opposite-sex partners are overrepresented in these positions.
- Hispanic and Latine residents make up a significantly smaller percentage of educators than students, and White, non-Hispanic residents make up a significantly larger percentage of educators than students.
- A lower percentage of educators are male than students, and a higher percentage are female.
- Compared to the student population, a lower percentage of educators are Black males, Latine females, and Latine males. A significantly higher percentage of educators are white, non-Hispanic females than students.
- Compared to the adult student population, educators are more likely to live with opposite-sex partners and are less likely to not live with a partner.
Data Sources
- American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-year data
Citations
- U.S. Census Bureau. (2025). American Community Survey (ACS), 5-year public use microdata sample (PUMS), 2023. https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/ acs/microdata.html
Employee Health Insurance
The Community cohort identified whether or not a job offers health insurance as an indicator of whether or not the job was a “good” job. This analysis shows the percentage of employees who have employer-sponsored health insurance. In some cases, this insurance may actually be provided through a partner’s employment. This analysis only includes people who are currently employed; it does not reflect differences in employment across groups.
In some cases, workers may have other forms of insurance. The cohort felt it was important to include information on the percentage of workers with different kinds of insurance as context for this analysis. The graph below shows the percentage of workers in Forsyth County with different kinds of insurance.
Data Visualization
Percentage of Employees with Employer-Sponsored Health Insurance (5-year Periods from 2009-2013 to 2019-2023)
Data Notes
Employee Health Insurance
Data Notes
- Analysts did not have the data they would need to distinguish between residents who have employer-sponsored health insurance through their own employment and those who have it through a family member’s employment. This may overestimate the number of residents who have access to employer-sponsored health insurance through their own employment.
- Cohabitating couples are not included as married or cohabitating before 2015-2019.
- The Census Bureau did not include same-sex married couples as married couples in their data until the 2015-2019 data.
- Members of cohabitating couples who are not the householder or partnered with the householder may be mislabeled as not cohabitating. For example, if two unmarried couples are living together as roommates, only the householder and their partner would be counted. This may underestimate cohabitating partners.
- Differences between later years and earlier years for all residents are generally significant.
- Analysts cannot be confident that differences by sex are not due to random chance or how the data was collected.
- Differences between all race/ethnic groups likely exist across all time periods.
- Analysts are relatively confident that the rate of employer-sponsored health insurance for Hispanic/Latine residents is higher in 2019 to 2023 than in earlier time periods.
- When examining differences in race and sex together, analysts are relatively certain that different racial/ethnic groups have different rates of employer-sponsored health insurance across all time periods, but generally, they are not confident that the apparent differences between males and females are not a result of random chance.
- In 2015-2019, the difference between Black and African American males and females is significantly different.
- In 2014-2019 and 2010-2014 the difference between Hispanic and Latine males and females is significantly different.
- Differences by whether or not residents are married or cohabitating likely exist across all time periods, but these differences are generally not significant by sex.
- Differences between citizens and non-citizens likely exist across all time periods
- Estimates for Black and African-American and white, non-Hispanic residents who are not citizens may not be reliable
- After 2011-2015, analysts are not confident that differences exist between citizens and non-citizens for any race/ethnic groups except for Hispanic and Latine residents.
- Analysts are confident that racial/ethnic differences between citizens exist across all years, but racial/ethnic differences across residents who are not citizens may not exist in all years
Data Sources
- American Community Survey (ACS) 2009-2023 5-year data
Citations
- U.S. Census Bureau. (2025). American Community Survey (ACS), 5-year public use microdata sample (PUMS), 2013–2023. https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/ acs/microdata.html
Wage Gap
To calculate the wage gap, analysts first calculated the median earnings of full-time, year-round employees by demographic group (e.g., sex, race/ethnicity). The group with the highest median earnings was used as the reference group. Analysts then calculated the ratio of each group’s median earnings to that reference group’s median earnings.
These ratios can be interpreted as how many cents each group earns for every dollar earned by the highest-earning group.
Data Visualization
Wage Gap Across Demographic Groups (5-year Periods from 2009-2013 to 2019-2023)
Community Voices
The report names a central truth: these challenges are not experienced equally. Race, caregiving status, immigration, disability, and family structure shape how systems land in people’s lives.
Sexual orientation and gender identity do, too.
For someone without a partner’s income to buffer instability, a low wage does not just limit savings; it threatens housing. For someone without family support, job loss or illness does not simply disrupt plans; it risks isolation. For someone navigating discrimination or erasure at work, in healthcare, or in housing, economic stress is compounded by vigilance, fear, and emotional harm.
The stories I hear are painfully frequent. Access to fair wages is a constant struggle; they often hold essential but poorly paid jobs, with grueling hours, wage theft, no overtime pay, or unsafe working conditions. Without the protection of labor laws that can be enforced without fear, many accept injustices to support their families. Furthermore, their immigration status makes them vulnerable to abuse, and fear of retaliation or deportation prevents them from speaking out. In my role, I try to guide them, empower them, and connect them with resources, but I also recognize that the problem is bigger than any individual intervention: it’s a labor system that thrives on their invisibility.
Data Notes
Wage Gap
Data Notes
- This measure captures the wages or salaries that residents are paid by their employers. It does not include self-employment or other income.
- Analysts only included residents in this analysis who were employed and worked for at least 35 hours a week and at least 50 weeks a year.
- Sub-groups with the ratio of 1 are the ratio that all other groups are compared to because they had the highest median income.
- Members of cohabitating couples who are not the householder or partnered with the householder may be mislabeled as not cohabitating. For example, if two unmarried couples are living together as roommates, only the householder and their partner would be counted. This may underestimate cohabitating partners.
- The Census Bureau did not include same-sex married couples as married couples in their data until the 2015-2019 data.
- Analysts are at least 95% sure that the wage gap between males and females is not due to random chance across all years, but they are not confident that apparent differences over time are statistically significant.
- The wage gap between Black and African American workers and white, non-Hispanic workers and the gap between Hispanic and Latine workers and white, non-Hispanic workers is statistically significant across all time periods, but differences between Black and African American and Hispanic and Latine workers are not.
- The wage gap between white, non-Hispanic females and males was only statistically significant in the 2016 to 2020 time period. Analysts recommend caution when interpreting this information because the 2020 data collection process was significantly different than other years.
- The wage gap between all other sex and race/ethnicity groups and white, non-Hispanic men is statistically significant for all time periods.
- The wage gap is not statistically significant by race/ethnicity for any other racial/ethnic group.
- The wage gap between those who are married or cohabitating and those who are not was significant across all time periods.
- The wage gap between partnered males and females was only statistically significant in the 2018 to 2022 and 2019 to 2023 time periods.
- The wage gap between partnered males and unpartnered males and females was statistically significant across all time periods, and there was no statistically significant difference between the gaps of unpartnered males and females.
- The wage gap between citizens and non-citizens was statistically significant for all time periods except for 2018 to 2021
Data Sources
- American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-year data
Citations
- U.S. Census Bureau. (2025). American Community Survey (ACS), 5-year public use microdata sample (PUMS), 2013–2023. https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/ acs/microdata.html